The table below is a descriptive tabular analysis of the Presidential candidates in the forthcoming election. Contrary to the rants for a blind coalition of young candidates in the race, the table, however, helps to resolve the question of programs and antecedent
The table below is a descriptive tabular analysis of the presidential candidates in the forthcoming election. Contrary to the rants for a blind coalition of young candidates in the race, the table helps to resolve the question of programmes and antecedent as basis to make the right choice in tthe February 16, presidential elections.
|
THE ISSUES |
SOWORE (AAC) |
ATIKU (PDP) |
BUHARI (APC) |
MOGHALU (YPP) |
DUROTOYE (ANN) |
|
| 1 |
Political Antecedent |
Prominent in defending the poor for close to 30 years both at the barricades and as publisher of Sahara Reporters. |
Has been in the business of looting since his time as a customs officer. For Atiku, looting is his only way of life. |
36-year history of violent dictatorship and grand but highly deceptive method of looting. His anti-poor policies have also made Nigeria the poverty capital of the world in 3 years. |
Used his position as Deputy CBN governor to save/enrich his friends/allies in the Banking sector at the expense of attending to the needy |
No real political history. Except if we were to include the fact that he is a motivational speaker |
| 2 | Party history/Pedigree | Barely six months old, Aside its involvement in activism, it is the fastest growing political party in Nigeria’s history with campaign strategies that draw unprecedented active participation of Nigerians at home/Diaspora and the African people | 16 years of total misrule and institutionalized corruption. They spent their time in office selling public assets to themselves, party chieftains, family and friends at give-away price. | APC/PDP is simply two sides of a coin. As we all know, PDP killed Nigeria, APC is only doing its funeral. The difference between the two parties is like the difference between an armed robber and a fraudster. | A new party with very limited political engagements |
Same as YPP |
| 3 | Media Engagements | With verifiable proof online, he has so far had exactly 574 media engagements; vast of which has shaped the Nigeria polity in no small dimension | Has been running and very selective of media engagements due to his fraudulent history and un-marketable ideas. In his recent media engagement, Atiku said he was going to use his position as President to enrich his friends and give amnesty to corrupt politicians | Has also been running from media engagements due to the lifelessness of his body and ideas. His few media engagements ended up in monumental disaster and international embarrassment. | Very few media engagements | His media engagement is a little less than those of Moghalu |
| 4 | Town Hall Meetings | Held town halls and rallies in 34 states of the federation and several others across different states in the US, Europe, Australia and Africa. | Campaign did not prioritize intellectual engagement with Nigerians. But in a meeting with local and international exploiters of Nigerian workers, Atiku bluntly said he would sell publicly owned property to his friends. He is most likely reserving his money to buy votes just as he spent about 47billion naira to buy voters in the PDP primaries | Very limited number of town halls that ended up as ‘monologues’ | Limited number of Town Halls | Limited town hall meetings |
| 5 | Type of followership | Organic and massive followership | Paid crowds/followers especially at rallies and other party activities | Same as PDP | Docile and very unclear followership | Same as Moghalu. It sometimes appear that Durotoye intends to use other young candidates with better structures to further his ambition since his campaign has next to nothing in terms of ground works. |
| 6 | Funding of Campaign | Campaign is fully funded by Nigerians both at home and Diaspora. His campaign in the last 10 months has been able to raise $147, 399 through GoFundMe contributions from 1,843 people and 51million naira residence in Campaign Zenith Bank account and raised by 12, 746 Nigerians | GoFundMe account has raised $140 in the last 8months from 7 people. It appears his campaign is completely reliant on his ill-gotten wealth | Just like the PDP, campaign funding is solely reliant on ill-gotten wealth of candidate, party chieftains, godfathers and money stolen from public coffers | His campaign GoFundMe account has raised $435 in the last 6months from 14 people. It is quite obvious that Nigerians aren’t financially/physically committed/involved in his campaign | Has two GoFundMe accounts. The first GoFundMe account has raised $3, 796 in the last 8 months and the other account has $1, 670 raised from 117 people in the last three months. |
| 7 | Campaign flash points | Intends to run a Public-sector driven economy. 100,000 living wage. Free and compulsory education at all levels. #100, 000 cost of study allowance per session. Free health care system, Complete end to the era of Privatization and labour casualization. Take back all public properties that were privatized and illegally sold to politicians, friends and families. |
Intends to run a Private-sector driven economy. Undecided on what to pay workers as wage. Amnesty for looters. To sell publicly owned property such as NNPC to friends. Privatize public Universities, Privatization and commercialization of our health care system and complete sale of Nigeria to foreign and local interest who intends to make immense profit from the sufferings of Nigerians. |
Intends to run a Private-sector driven economy. Slave wage of #27, 000. Through Dr. Babalakin, he is proposing a fee increment of N350, 000 for non sciences and #500, 000 for science related courses. Continuation of anti-poor programs of privatization. Continuity of all of his anti-poor policies that have so far made Nigeria the poverty capital of the world. | Intends to run a Private-sector driven economy. Undecided on minimum wage. Commercialization of public tertiary institutions (his plans to bring in Banks and private investors into tertiary education would have an implication of fee increment beyond what the wage of an average worker or trader can afford) 20% funding for education. No plans to end the regime of fees in tertiary institutions. Sale/privatization of publicly owned properties and Commercialized health care system | Intends to run a Private-sector driven economy. Undecided on what to pay workers as wage. Reliance on ‘good gesture’ of Alumni bodies to fund education since he thinks government can’t fund education. No plans to end regime of fees in our tertiary institutions. He intends to commercialize and privatize |
From the tabular analysis above, it can be deduced that Omoyele Sowore of the AAC is different in all ways from his other contenders. He has an organic crowd whose members are active both physically and financially.
Item 7 particularly shows us that even in programmes and driving economic policies, the likes of Moghalu and Durotoye can simply be regarded as younger versions of Buhari and Atiku as they see nothing wrong in selling off publicly owned properties to enrich an elite few like themselves. And 34 years of neoliberal policies of privatisation and commercialisation in Nigeria has shown that such policies only help create an army of poor people and a handful of rich elite. Omoyele Sowore of the AAC differs completely on the basis of programmes from the young and old characters contesting in this election. Like I have always maintained, this isn’t an election between the old and young people as they want us to see it; it is a struggle between the army of poor people and the ‘Generals’ who profit from their poverty.