Although the 2011 general elections are still some two years away, jostling for political offices, especially at the state level, has since been in top gear with many likely contenders criss-crossing their state reaching out for more political allies so as to consolidate their support base. With state governors in the forefront of the frenzy, the political atmosphere in most states became so charged that, in his May 29th Democracy Day speech, President Umaru Musa Yar’adua had to order for a stop to all covert jostling for 2011 until next year. But less than one month after the Presidential directive, it is observed more in the breach than in compliance. This breach is as much in evidence in the President’s home State, Katsina as else where.
Apart from the elections, 2011 also presents an opportunity to redress perceived imbalance in the sharing of political offices, elective as well as appointive, where it is believed to exist; and, again, President Yar’adua’s Katsina is one of such places; with the southern part under perpetual domination by the rest of the state, notably the center.
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To be sure, the relationship between Southern Katsina Senatorial zone and the rest of the state from 1987, when it was created, to date, is that of unequal partners; with the former the worst for it. But even before then, the story had been no different. Southern Katsina or Karaduwa, as the area is fondly referred to by its denizens, has suffered marginalisation since the creation of the state like no other senatorial zone in the Federation, but never so thoroughly as in the ten years of the current democratic dispensation, when Malam Yar’adua first held fort as Governor for eight years and now as President of the Republic for the past two years.
It is in the thoroughness of the marginalisation of the area that in the sharing of the elective offices in the state, Karaduwa has always come out short-changed, with the office of Deputy Governor as its only lot . But the offices of Governor, Speaker, Deputy Speaker, Secretary to the Government (SSG) and Head of Service (HOS) always going to the other two senatorial zones; Katsina Central and Katsina North. This imbalance is also reflected in the distribution of amenities and the patronage of the local contractors and businesses, with the southern part decidedly worse off.
At the Federal level, except for the lone ambassadorial position that went to the immediate past Deputy Governor of the state, Alhaji AbdulLahi Garba Aminchi, southern Katsina has not figured in any other appointment made by both President Obasanjo and his successor, Yar’adua. Out of the four ministers and two ambassadors that served in the eight-year tenure of Obasanjo none came from the Southern Senatorial zone. Alhaji Sani Zangon Daura and Alhaji Kabir Sa’idu, who had served as ministers between 1999-2003 are from Daura Senatorial zone. Ambassador Magaji Mohammed and Alhaji Abba Sayyadi Ruma, who served as ministers between 2003-2007 are from the Katsina Central Senatorial zone. The two ambassadors, Magaji Mohammed and Adamu Sa’idu are from Katsina Central and Daura Senatorial zones respectively.
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Even the emergence of Honourable Aminu Bello Masari, who hails from the marginalized southern part of the state, as Speaker of the House of Representatives from 2003-2007, was opposed by the then powers-that -be in the state. The botched attempt to impeach him because of his opposition to the infamous tenure elongation plans of the former president was mooted and part- sponsored from his home state.
To add salt into injury, most of those (s)elected to represent the area in the State and National Assemblies are people whose competence would not qualify them for election as local government councillors.
Proof that the total marginalisation suffered by southern Katsina during the eight-year tenure of President Obasanjo was not by accident has, in the two years of the incumbent administration, been provided by no other person but the President himself. All the high-profile cabinet and non-cabinet appointments he made from Katsina State came from his Central Senatorial District. These appointments include those into the office of Minister of Agriculture and Water Resources, National Economic Adviser, Group Managing Director of NNPC, Managing Director, PHCN, Director- General of NDE, Executive Secretary of PTDF, Executive Secretary of National Inland Water way Service, Executive Director, KRPC Kaduna and Managing Director, Port Harcourt Refinery.
The non-patronage of contractors and other businesses is also another feature in the wilful marginalisation of southern Katsina at the Federal level.
It is beyond doubt that when the political and business elite of a community are consciously and deliberately sidelined and shut out of active participation in state matters, and is denied access to facilities as made available to other parts in the state, there can be only one intended goal; to marginalise the entire area in toto. That is exactly what the Southern Katsina Senetorial zone has been subjected to in the past ten years, with a particular vengeance in the last two. This is happening to an area that is the most agriculturally viable in a wholly agrarian state.
Now, with the 2011 race for the various government houses, the state and National Assemblies and the presidency unofficially on, the emerging scenario in Katsina State does not suggest any departure from the status quo. At the moment, all but one of the names being mentioned in one breath as likely contenders for the Katsina State governatorial seat are from the Central Zone. Even the lone aspirant from the south is dismissed as a front for a seemingly formidable opponent from the central zone, who, in terms of deep war chest and patronage of the powers- that- be in Abuja, will give the governor a good run for his money.
It is very unlikely that a credible aspirant, not to talk of a candidate, from southern Katsina would be encouraged or even allowed to emerge. But in the unlikely event that one emerges as a flag-bearer, it is even less likely that he would be allowed to make it to the government House, regardless of which political party’s flag he bears. This was the case in 2007 when PDP refused its governotorial ticket to the then Speaker of the House of Representatives, Honourable Aminu Bello Masari, who was arguably the aspirant to beat in the party. And also denied the main opposition’s candidate, ANPP’s Senator Abu Ibrahim, a certain victory at the polls.
The question on the lips of most concerned stake holders in the area and observers of political events is the age old one in which the victims of injustice everywhere always ask rhetorically; “when is this travesty going to end?” In this case, an equally important question that all people of conscience should be asking is: “where is the rule of law, the equity, the fairness and the justice that the Yar’adua administration always claims to be guided by in its actions?”
To find the answer to the first question, the affected people need not go beyond their enclave. As a resourceful people inhabiting an area that is abundantly blessed with a very fertile land and not a few in-demand mineral resources, they have it in them to redress their sorry situation, regardless of however powerful and vindictive their oppressor(s) might be. Although getting an own state may not n ecessary be the best solution, it is an option that the leadership of the people have to go for. But in the likely event that they refuse to take up the challenge, then the more vigorous , resourceful and untainted youth should pick up the gauntlet and pursue the cause as best as they can.
As for the answer to the second question, even though Nigerians pretend to believe the claims coming from the powers in Abuja about rule of law, fairness and what not, nobody is fooled; because so far not much about those claims is in evidence in the actions of the administration. But as Booth Tarkington observed once, “the only good thing in pretending is the fun we get out of fooling ourselves that we fool somebody”.
Meanwhile, instead of the anticipated hope and happiness the people of Katsina South expected, the ten years of the Nigerian brand of democratic rule has only succeeded in increasing among them a justified feeling of despair, despondency and apprehension at the prospect of a perpetual existence as second-class stake holders in the state, with no future in the political stake beyond the token office of Deputy Governor.
Malumfashi wrote from Abuja.
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