I have been making an attempt to understand the social and political conditions in which Nigerian citizens in Nigeria find themselves today, the extreme violations of lives and property by terrorists and the attendant constant fear in which both citizens and foreigners in the country live, almost by compulsion. It is, indeed, so difficult to understand why these things are happening at-all. So difficult that it is easy to conclude that in this enormously endowed country, now struggling relentlessly to contain its security challenges, sanity appears to have staged a coup. Sanity seems to have staged a coup against Nigerians and flown through the window to the winds.
I have been making an attempt to understand the social and political conditions in which Nigerian citizens in Nigeria find themselves today, the extreme violations of lives and property by terrorists and the attendant constant fear in which both citizens and foreigners in the country live, almost by compulsion. It is, indeed, so difficult to understand why these things are happening at-all. So difficult that it is easy to conclude that in this enormously endowed country, now struggling relentlessly to contain its security challenges, sanity appears to have staged a coup. Sanity seems to have staged a coup against Nigerians and flown through the window to the winds.
Just take a cursory look at what is happening today to schools and villages in Borno State. Look at what is happening to schools and villages in Yobe State. Think of what is happening in Adamawa State. See what is happening in Bauchi State. Take a good and hard look at what is happening in Rivers State. Add that to what is happening in Delta, Edo, Ogun and Oyo States. Even in the Eastern States of Imo, Ebonyi and Abia, the story is about the same. Look at what Nigeria’s political arena has turned into. And then look at the restiveness that has tenaciously gripped youths in the country. Everywhere you go, you feel the tension building up.
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All this is happening because beloved Nigeria has been turned into a paradox. Nigeria is known world-wide to be very rich in mineral and human resources. Yet, nearly 90% of its citizens live below the poverty level. Its oil revenue has made the country enormously wealthy. Yet, that same oil wealth has become more of a curse than a blessing to the vast majority of Nigerian citizens who now live in abject squalor, below 50 pence a day.
It is a sad commentary that since the end of the civil war some 44 years ago, Nigerians have continued to fiddle with their destiny as a people, unable to make a definite decision either to make, or break and remould, their nation. The result is that the nation continues to enthrone mediocrity in public offices and the tendency to breed rogue governments has almost become a compulsion.
Nigerians were recently rated among the saddest people in the world by Forbes magazine. That was not by accident. It was a fairly accurate assessment of the true state of affairs in the country. The people no longer feel safe in their own homeland. Everywhere one goes, broad day-light armed robbers, terrorists, kidnappers and assassins are on the prowl. At practically every level, even among political and religious groups, corrupt and lawless leaders and law enforcement agencies connive with criminals to unleash terror in the land.
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The nation’s infrastructure is anachronistic and unsuitable: no clean drinking water in most rural communities; erratic electricity supply in towns and cities, or in villages that are lucky to have electricity supply; mud everywhere because of road constructions that never seem to end; poorly equipped hospitals that are perpetually starved of drugs and sub-standard schools that are now home to terrorist activities almost on daily basis.
Nigerian youths are terribly disoriented. There is no employment for them. The generation before them failed them because they lacked the moral authority to guide and mentor them to take their destiny on both hands. Those who wrestled "independence" from the British over half a century ago are still the ones in control of the nation’s affairs – they and their proxies and family members. They are not only the rich families, but are the ones that are getting richer by the day while the poor in the land are merely existing, barely able to afford two square meals a day.
It is so saddening.
At every given opportunity, helpless Nigerian citizens continue to express their sadness over the abysmal failure that their beloved country has turned out to become today. Some resort to insulting their leaders on the commentary pages of the nation’s tabloids. In such a way, they are able to express their frustration and their resignation to the whims and caprices of an over-bearing political class and an even more mindless business community. There seems to be no end to the horrible stories Nigerians in Diaspora hear about their beloved nation.
But it wasn’t always like this.
When the Nigerian civil war ended on 15 January 1970, General Olusegun Obasanjo, then the Second-in-Command of the Nigerian Armed Forces, accepted the surrender of the Biafran Army in good faith. It was apparent that the Biafran experiment had collapsed. General Gowon, as Head of State, subsequently made his famous "no victor, no vanquished" declaration. He followed the declaration up with an amnesty for most of those who participated in the Biafran uprising. Gowon also embarked on a programme of "Reconciliation, Reconstruction and Rehabilitation", his grand “three ‘R’s” which were his spirited attempt to repair the extensive damage which the economy and infrastructure of the East had suffered during those war years.
Although Gowon did what he sincerely felt was right for the country’s survival at the time, some of those efforts never as much as saw the light of day. For one, the poorly envisioned policy of the Federal Government which endorsed the approval of only twenty pounds for each Biafran who had a bank account in Nigeria before the war, irrespective of how much money was in his or her account, was deeply flawed. The economic strangulation of Nigerian citizens that the policy enforced was severely criticized by both foreign and local observers. Indeed, it was this policy that prompted the nationwide, unimaginable scale of rogue-tendencies in the former Biafran enclave after the war, which in a sense may have been responsible for the sustenance of the current situation where rogue-tendencies have become prevalent, both in the South and in the North of Nigeria.
The post war years had seen Nigeria enjoy massive wealth from its newly found oil wells scattered all over areas of the Delta Region and its environs. The scope of economic and social activities in Nigeria had expanded to an unprecedented level with increased revenue from oil exploration, making it possible for the country to join the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries, OPEC. But the period equally witnessed a massive increase in corruption, mostly within Federal government circles and that of their partners in the business community. At the time, General Gowon was said to have deliberately turned a blind eye to these undesirable activities of his cronies and Nigeria’s public office holders.
With the first oil production in 1958, just before Nigeria’s independence in 1960, petroleum production and exportation began to play a dominant role in the country’s economy. The new oil wells had created enormous wealth for Nigeria. Literally, money was flowing like a river through every nook and cranny of the country. Every Nigerian knew by this time that the main source of the nation’s enormous wealth was its vast oil wells scattered all over the Delta region and environs. Even as we speak, oil accounts for about 90% of the country’s gross earnings.
The first problem that hit the nation was the way most of the oil companies treated their host communities. Nigerians from the oil producing states knew full well that the oil companies were simply greedy. They never really bothered about the lands which produced the oil they were so profusely exploring, or the welfare of the people who owned the land. Although the oil companies made strenuous efforts to exonerate themselves from the allegation of neglect, one only needed to travel the very narrow roads in the Delta region, in comparison with the rest of the country, to have a feel of the level of injustice that was actually visited on those people.
In the midst of this excruciating poverty, the oil companies were pillaging billions of pounds daily. Their chief executives and top officers were living like mini-gods in the big cities, dinning and winning with Governors and Ministers, walking tall on the corridors of power.
Then, at the height of the oil boom, Gowon made a decision which was to have negative repercussions for the Nigerian economy in later years. Although its effects were not immediately noticeable, his indigenization decree of 1972 declared many sectors of the Nigerian economy out-of-bounds to all foreign investors. The decree provided a financial windfall for many well-connected Nigerians. With no prying eyes to see what was going on inside government circles, the growth of bureaucracy created a rise in corruption levels. At a time, increased wealth in the country even resulted in the issuance of fake import licenses by those in authority. There were stories of shiploads of stones and sand imported into the country, and of General Gowon saying to some foreign reporters: "the only problem Nigeria has is how to spend her money."
The situation was not arrested then. Nor has it been arrested even as we speak. In fact, the socio-political life of the nation continued to move from bad to worse, because of the inability of subsequent Nigerian leaders to plan effectively and invest the nation's wealth on the welfare of the poorest segment of its communities, as is the case with other oil-rich countries like Kuwait and United Arab Emirates. And now the situation has reached a crescendo that amounts to total insanity. Everyone is feeling the heat, feeling that, at this point in time, this is like sitting on a keg of gunpowder. It could explode any time. And sure enough, sooner than later, the keg of gunpowder could explode and turn Nigeria’s oil boom into its oil doom!
That, Nigerians must avoid.
Today, many dare-devil organizations have sprung up in Nigeria. In the Delta region, the most prominent among them is the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta, MEND, which claims to be fighting for the rights of the deprived people of the Delta Region. MEND has since been responsible for a long string of destructions within the oil sector of the national economy. There is also the Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra, MASSOB, which has to a very great extent been influencing social activities in the South-East. And in the South-West, the Oodua Peoples' Congress, OPC, sprang up after the annulment of the mandate of Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola, who won the Presidential election of June 12, 1993 but was barred from office by the military government of General Ibrahim Babangida. The OPC was formed when a group of Yoruba elites, headed by Fredrick Fasehun, decided to actualize Abiola's mandate and since then the OPC has practically become the dominant military wing of the Yoruba Cultural Organisation, Afanifere.
Looking back now, it is obvious and without an iota of doubt that it was the interference of the military in the democratic evolution of Nigeria, characterized by its chain of coups and counter-coups, which created the situation that became comfortable breeding grounds for rogue governments and rogue business communities throughout the length and breadth of the country. Unfortunately, those military chaps are still hanging around in overflowing agbada gowns, still sporting for public offices so many years after they ran the country down with their military agenda.
It can be argued that in a democratic country like Nigeria, all citizens, including ex-military officers, have the right to pursue their legitimate aspiration to public offices. But Nigerians also have a right to determine for themselves what is legitimately right, and what is legitimately wrong, in the value-system of their society. Like every other people around the world, Nigerians must have a conscience they believe in.
After these ex-military officers have given the country a bloody nose during their reign of terror; after tasting public offices for once or twice, and after making all the money during their tenures, is it their legitimate right to turn around and fight against the growth of the youths of their own country with the money they made? Why have they refused to give even a window of opportunity to other educated Nigerian families to lead the country? Why do they insist of dominating the political landscape after their reign from the military arena? With all the money they made while in public office, they should be investing in private sector businesses, and thereby contribute their own quota in diffusing the unemployment problem in the country. Why are they not doing that? Why are they blind to the numerous young talents Nigeria has abroad, who are serving foreign countries and foreign interests, rather than serve the impoverished citizens of their own country and thus put Nigeria on a true map of greatness?
Yes. Some will say, nations are not built over-night. True. But what has that to say about countries like Singapore and Malaysia which had independence around the same time as Nigeria? Since independence, Malaysia has had one of the best economic records in Asia, with GDP growing an average 6.5% for almost 50 years. The economy has traditionally been fuelled by its natural resources, but it has also been expanding in the sectors of science, tourism, commerce and medical tourism. Today, Malaysia has a newly industrialised market economy, ranked third largest in Southeast Asia and 29th largest in the world. What has all that to say about the capability of Nigeria to utilize its enormous wealth to alleviate the suffering state of its poorest citizens? What does it say about Nigeria's determination or otherwise of bridging the yawning gap between the very rich and the very poor in its society?
Oh, Nigeria!
Recently, the terrorist group known as Boko Haram has concentrated on its massive attacks on schools, churches and mosques in the North East with measured frequency. Local reports suggest that fatalities are definitely growing higher and higher. The militant Islamic group which was officially labelled as a 'Foreign Terrorist Organisation' by the United States government in November 2012 continues to mastermind many deadly attacks throughout the length and breadth of North-East Nigeria. Since August 2011 Boko Haram has continued to bomb public places, police and military bases, mosques and churches and even schools in Nigeria's northeast. The Nigerian government knows that Boko Haram has links with Al-Qaeda. It knows that the organisation has been responsible for over three thousand deaths in the country since it metamorphosed about nine years ago. Its leadership has declared its intention to rid the country of Christians, sack Nigerian democracy and enthrone an Islamic State which would be governed by Sharia Law.
The shameful events that are daily happening in Northern Nigeria, and which have continued to take an unprecedented toll in human lives and in property, definitely call the unity of Nigeria to deep question. There is not one country in the world today where the frequency and number of victims can compare favourably with the mindless high handedness with which Boko Haram continues to descend on the villages of Borno, Yobe and Adamawa states particularly. No other country in recent times, even in times of war, has recorded such levels of atrocities or such measured frequently!
Dr. Goodluck Jonathan’s Administration must ask itself very frank questions. Perhaps the answers to those questions will give the government a better guidance towards its commitment to all Nigerians.
For instance: why are Boko Haram insurgents insisting on killing unarmed and innocent Nigerians? Is it because they believe that by so doing they would be able to bend the will of the Nigerian government and get it out of their way? And why are they also killing their fellow Moslems? Is it because they want everybody to know that this is a political, and not a religious war and that no matter your religion, you stand to be eliminated if you are known to oppose or sabotage the mission of the insurgents? Why are they persistent in their mission? Could it be because they are fighting a sort of jihad in which they are prepared to throw in everything they have and fight to the last drop of their blood? Is it true that some big-wig politicians and businessmen are financially and morally behind the activities of the insurgents? Could the suspicion be true? Is it also true that these big wigs are very well known to top Nigerian public office holders but cannot be named or apprehended because they are regarded as sacred cows? And if that is the case, for how much longer will innocent Nigerian citizens continue to suffer the degradation of being slaughtered like chickens, for no justifiable reason? And for how much longer will the Federal government suffer the indignity of seeing its citizens daily felled like logs of wood, with little or no hope of rescue from their government? When will all this madness end and sanity return to Nigeria?
President Jonathan appears to have convinced himself that the North is still interested in the unity of Nigeria. In May last year, the President declared a state of emergency in the three predominantly Muslim north-eastern states where Boko Haram has concentrated its merciless attacks. The President authorised increased military presence in the area in an attempt to tackle the ongoing violence from Boko Haram. Following the recent attacks in Adamawa State, he explained that Nigeria was getting its share of the terror."God willing, Nigeria will overcome these challenges. It's quite a challenging period for our traditional rulers, religious leaders and opinion leaders because of the security challenges we've had to face, especially in the North-eastern part of this country. Let me on behalf of the government express our condolences over the people that have died in this unnecessary Boko Haram insurgence over this period,” he had said.
International Christian Concern, an NGO which advocates on behalf of persecuted Christians around the world, also called for increased awareness of and prayer for those suffering in Nigeria. The regional manager, William Stark, stressed the importance of an urgent response to these waves of new attacks by Boko Haram. He warned: “The Nigerian government must take a decisive action to ensure the safety of Christians living in Nigeria. If a decisive action is not taken, the unbelievable violence being perpetrated against Christians in Nigeria will only continue to accelerate and will likely reach genocidal levels in the near future."
Boko Haram, as an extremist Islamic sect in Nigeria, has continued to create mayhem across the north of the country and in the capital, Abuja. Its violent attacks on government and United Nations offices in Abuja and churches and mosques, schools, marketplaces, police and military bases in the North are serious threats to the stability of Nigeria. Worst of all, the group’s actual motif or even grievance still remains to a large extent a matter of speculation. This is why the government has to take a decisive step now, before it is too late.
Boko Haram believes that political dispensation in northern Nigeria has been seized by a group of corrupt and false Muslims. It is, therefore, waging a war against those false Muslims. But first, it has to take the Federal Republic of Nigeria, which it sees as a stumbling block, out of the way. Then, it can create a “pure” Islamic State that is governed by Sharia Law. In other words, Boko Haram insurgency resulted from the social and political ambition of younger pro-sharia Muslims seeking to build a new religious constituency in the Northern part of the country. Perhaps, this is why it will be very difficult to dislodge or silence them. From every indication that buttresses their determination, Boko Haram's operations have been known to be brutal and, to many Nigerians, somewhat senseless. Yet, they may be right to some extent, if the truth must be spoken. Nigerians need to know whether their leaders who have been clamouring for the unity of the country are seriously committed to it, or whether they are doing so for their own selfish reasons – because of their own share of the oil revenue.
For instance, it has been rightly or wrongly suggested that some powerful politicians (who cannot be named) are behind the Boko Haram struggle to enthrone a Sharia country in the North. It has also been suggested that some governors are behind the entire violence because they know that their financial allocations from Abuja would be greatly enhanced if there is violence in their states. Again, why, for instance, must the recently inaugurated National Sovereign Conference exclude debates on the possibility of breaking up the country if the need becomes compulsive? Why must odd bed-fellows be forced to sleep together if, in their opinion, they are incompatible? Perhaps it is because some people have something to gain from such an unholy matrimony. Nigerians need to know the truth.
But even at that, it is also clear that the Nigerian military is not going about its assignment the right way. There is no evidence that these spates of persistent violence from either the Boko Haram or the nation’s Military Command are having any positive effect in ameliorating the determination of the insurgents. The movement is still embarking on dangerously large-scale operations all over the Northern States and still having its high level of support. Indeed, in a sense, the army's alleged frequent killing of young people unconnected to Boko Haram has only helped to increase public antagonism towards the army and government, in effect serving the interest of the insurgents.
On the whole, it is obvious that Boko Haram wants to promote radical Islamism within Nigeria – a radical concept of Islam that is opposed to Western values. Therefore, if the Jonathan administration sincerely wants to proffer a lasting solution to the menace of the Niger Delta dissidents, the MEND, the MASSOB, the OPC and the Boko Haram insurgents, it must clearly recognise when the desire is ripe to “let my people go”.
Right now, it is difficult to see how there can be any meaningful dialogue between the government and these groups. First, Boko Haram’s cell structure is susceptible to factions and splits. There is no guarantee that someone speaking for the group is speaking for all of the members even if the Federal government decided to dialogue. Second, is that the method employed by government security agencies to tackle the Boko Haram menace and some problems emanating from MASSOB and OPC has been consistently brutal and, therefore, counterproductive. It has only succeeded in giving greater impetus to the dissidents, and in a profound sense sustained their need for expansion.
From all indications, the Boko Haram group will continue to attack vulnerable targets in the northeast rather than give up their struggle. It is even more likely to become increasingly involved in crises in other states of the Federation where it is bent on attacking Christian indigenes from the North, as was recently manifested when 320 of their members were apprehended on their way to Rivers State. These developments are definitely a threat to the country's stability and unity. Therefore, the Federal government must address the proclivity for shifting power structures in the North. It must find a way to provide at-least a window or better still a door for the expression of local Islamic aspirants – within the concept of a stable, united Northern Nigeria. That, given the data already known by every Nigerian, will be a possible mission. On the contrary, any attempt to impede the aspirations of these determined Muslims to access regional power or to co-opt them into the national network of governance will simply be a waste of the government's precious time and money. It will be unable to contain the insurgency if the lessons from Sudan and South Sudan are anything to lean on.
So then, can Nigerians confidently assume that contrary to General Gowon’s proclamation 44 years ago that there was no victor and no vanquished, it is obvious today that Nigerians not only lost the war, they also lost the peace. Is it of any significance that as a result of those earlier poor quality leaderships after the war, Nigerians also lost their sense of unity? Events that have to do with history have proved that even the national anthem which has always been regarded as the high point of Nigerian unity no longer enjoys the credibility of most Nigerian citizens. With all what is happening in the country today, they feel that those words are a mockery of the original intensions of the founding fathers of the Nigerian nation.
For credibility in the concept of “Unity in Diversity” to return to Nigeria, Dr. Jonathan has to come to terms with the challenges posed by the insurgency in the South-South and Northern Nigeria – those two hydra-headed faces of the same coin. He can only do so when he recognizes the need to allow oil producing states in Nigeria to manage their own resources and pay tax to the central government and when that recognition is put in place to materialize. In the same vein, he must create a means which will allow economically disadvantaged young men and women in the deprived areas of the North to access governance structures at the regional level. The long-standing friction within Islamic ruling hierarchies in the North must be resolved in the spirit of Pan- African nationalism in a round-table conference to be chaired by the President, Dr Goodluck Jonathan.
Mr Asinugo is a London-based journalist and editor of Trumpet newspaper.
The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of SaharaReporters
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