Saharareporters, New York
Nigerian security agents are keeping a watchful eye on Delta State Governor Emmanuel Uduaghan after identifying him as the main financier of hitherto unknown Niger Delta militant groups threatening to unleash mayhem unless the Federal Government halts its prosecution of former Governor James Onanefe Ibori.
Uduaghan is Ibori’s first cousin and a beneficiary from the former governor’s extensive looting of the state. Ibori handpicked him as his successor, and imposed him on Delta State in the massively rigged elections of April 14, 2007.
The decision to mobilize militant groups on behalf of Ibori stemmed from several "strategy meetings" held in Lagos since Ibori's arrest in Abuja on December 12, 2007.
To put the strategy in motion, Governor Uduaghan has committed N500 million to mobilize several pressure groups within Nigeria to blackmail anti-corruption officials and the Federal High Court in Kaduna to get Ibori off the hook.
A source within the planning sessions told Saharareporters that Ibori’s friends, associates and beneficiaries concluded that “diplomatic” pressure should be combined with a ramping up of street violence by hired militant groups. Their goal is not only to stop Ibori’s ensuing trial in Nigeria but also possibly the trial that may commence next week in London. The UK Crown Prosecution Service is considering slamming Ibori with money laundering charges in absentia.
Uduaghan’s reasoning is that, in encouraging the recruited militants to undertake a spate of kidnappings of foreign oil workers as well as sundry attacks on Nigerian soldiers and police, both the Nigerian and British governments would rethink Ibori’s prosecution.
Uduaghan’s latest effort to save Ibori is a natural follow-up to legal efforts he made when the state filed a motion at Federal High Court in Benin to bar the EFCC and the Federal Government from investigating Ibori’s tenure.
That bizarre legal maneuver ultimately failed to shield Ibori from his nemesis, the EFCC, which this week charged him with stealing N9.1 billion.
Several civic groups in the state say the EFCC has grossly understated how much Ibori stole. One forum of Delta State indigenes accuse the ex-governor of stealing about N160 billion.
Before reaching a deal with some Niger Delta militants to “heat up the system,” Uduaghan had also induced some corrupt elements within the National Association of Nigerian Student (NANS) to condemn Ibori’s trial and call for his release.
Sources told Saharareporters that Governor Uduaghan’s media aides drafted the statement by NANS as well as other threatening statements by so-called militants. The aides then shopped the statements around media houses by offering huge bribes to some senior journalists to give it headline status.
The same sources told Saharareporters that the same militant groups have been given statements to be issued against all UK citizens in the Niger Delta if the Metropolitan Police goes ahead to charge Ibori in London tomorrow (December 19 2007). Ibori’s camp is capitalizing on playing upon the fears about the volatile international oil markets.
The contrived protests and threats by faceless pro-Ibori militants run contrary to the prevailing buoyant mood amongst Delta State indigenes at home and abroad who continue to rejoice at the arrest of Ibori.
With Ibori denied bail by a Federal High Court in Kaduna, sources told Saharareporters that Governor Uduaghan would encourage the militants to kidnap some oil workers working in the western end of the Niger Delta so as to make their threats look real and effective.
Ibori has extensive links with militants in the Niger Delta Delta region, and used them to feather his nests, according to the finding of security investigators.
Security reports have identified both Ibori, DSp Alamieyeseigha and former Governor Peter Odili of Rivers as the main sponsors of armed Niger Delta militants. A source at the US State Department told Saharareporters that the US once seriously considered putting Ibori on their "terrorist watch list."
Ibori used veiled and direct threats to get Chevron as well as the NNPC to agree to pay him more than $2.5 million in “protection fees.” To conceal the nature of the fees, paid into Ibori’s account in London, the parties described the payments as fees for the lease of sleeping boats from Ibori’s MER Engineering company.
US Justice Department officials are also looking into Ibori’s controversial purchase of Willbros through a front company known as "Ascot Nigeria Limited." The company is owned by Henry Imashekka, Ibori’s main front man.
Saharareporters unearthed Ibori’s sophisticated ploy to buy Wilbros. Using his militant connections, Ibori had staged the kidnapping of nine Willbros workers on February 18, 2006. Some of those kidnapped included Macon Hawkins of Kosciusko, Texas, two Egyptians, two Thais, and a Filipino.
Shortly afterwards, Ibori “brokered” a deal to free the hostages. The hostages were released through him to their employers—Houston-based Willbros. It was the last time Ibori was recorded to have engaged in negotiations to free hostages. It was not a coincidence, since he had forced the Willbros Group to sell their Nigerian operations to his front company, ASCOT Nigeria Limited. The sale was finalized a few months later.
Willbros’ Nigerian operations were sold through an offshore share purchase agreement for a total price of $155 million. Willbros received $150 million in cash and a note for the $5 million from Ibori.
An EFCC affidavit sworn before a Federal High Court in Benin accused Henry Imahekka of acting as Ibori’s front to purchase Willbros Nigeria operations. The affidavit accuses Ibori of “public funds diversion to acquire Wilbros Nig. Ltd., a multinational oil servicing firm in Port Harcourt sometime in 2006.” It added that “the said Wilbros Nig. Ltd was acquired for USD 155 million by a new established company Ascot Offshore Nig. Ltd. registered and solely owned by Mr. Henry Imasekha, the same character moving funds in Celtel, Oando and NOTORE chemical industries.”
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