February 12, 2010
Dr. Aliyu Tilde recently argued that “The Tragedy of Umar F. Mutallab” was, among others, that the twenty-three year-old Katsina terrorist learned “anti-white racism” in his exclusive school environments in Togo and London (Sahara Reporters, January 1, 2010). In other words, the young devil’s father was to blame for sending his son to study abroad instead of at home in Nigeria under the watchful eyes of his family.
Dr. Aliyu Tilde recently argued that “The Tragedy of Umar F. Mutallab” was, among others, that the twenty-three year-old Katsina terrorist learned “anti-white racism” in his exclusive school environments in Togo and London (Sahara Reporters, January 1, 2010). In other words, the young devil’s father was to blame for sending his son to study abroad instead of at home in Nigeria under the watchful eyes of his family.
Tilde claimed that Mutallab was “lonely” abroad and made bad friends. He also claimed that Nigerians were cowards who lacked the liver to stand up to America's blacklisting by calling her bluff. “Are we the first terrorist country in the world?” he asked. I contend, in response, that Tilde’s submission demonstrates the linguistic act of politics. Tilde was just playing a language game – albeit, a sinister and old-worn Nigerian ruse.
The question is does Tilde actually want his “jittery” Nigerians to stand up to America like Iraq and Afghanistan and Pakistan? Since those three countries are all Islamic nations, when did Nigeria become an Islamic nation that would fight for an idiot-son who went to school to gird himself with extremist “Islamic Bomb” (Wasn't that the name that Pakistan gave to its first nuclear bomb in 1979?) Could Tilde list how many depressed Nigerian youths in American and European schools that have had to travel to Yemen to learn how to brace themselves with bombs and tried to blow up other countries' planes? What exactly does Tilde mean by “anti-white racism,” for if Nigeria’s new underpants prophet wanted to fight racism why would he choose a flight with more than fifty percent of fellow Nigerian and black travelers all the way from Nigeria to the United States? It appears, therefore, that in the illogical Nigerian world of Tildian syllogism there is a fundamental connection between psychic depression and the Arabian Peninsula, and it should be known by the strange clinical name of Mutallabian terrorism.
Of course, I realized the dark humor of Tilde’s fanatical cynicism. He obviously uses a generic form of “racism” which had absolutely nothing to do with skin color. What he seemed to be saying was that London was an eye-opener to Nigeria’s diaper bomber about the depth of “religious racism” against pro-Arab Muslims. In other words, Tilde’s bizarre politics could not factor in the possibility of fellow Nigerian travelers being the most likely victims of Mutallab's religious warfare since after all, “those other Nigerians” – as Africans, “bad” Muslims, Christians, and “infidels” – were as guilty and deserving of vengeful death as Mutallab’s European “racists.” It is well-known, for instance, that pro-Arab Muslims were decimating black African Muslims in Darfur; that there was such an epithet as the “Banza Bokwoi” in Nigeria; and that even diaper faithful Mutallab, on one mysterious occasion, went on the Internet to keenly solicit the counseling of fellow extremist faithful on how to avoid his visiting parents in London for fear that they might make him eat “unclean meat.”
Tilde’s self-imposed blinkers could not allow him to see that he was addressing fellow Nigerians who had for fifty years lived under the constant glare of Mutallabian zealotry cleansing all over Northern Nigeria. Okey Ndibe had argued that the difference between “domestic religious terrorism and its exportation is only a plane trip away” (“Nigeria’s Terrorism Notoriety,” Sahara Reporters, December 28, 2009). The only argument that Tilde could make up was to pretend that Mutallabian terrorism was a newfound thing that has never happened before. Tilde stubbornly refused to acknowledge that all those almajeri that have been taking and torching millions of fellow Nigerian lives for half a century were schooled under the very watchful eyes of their families. Most of them neither went to college nor ever traveled to London like diaper bomber Mutallab. They were neither wealthy nor “depressed” like zealot Mutallab. Still one thing that Tilde knew they shared in excess with Mutallab was that all of them were raised under the same terrorist breeding grounds of Northern Nigeria which ritually settles personal misunderstanding or suspicion with religious mass murders.
Aliyu Tilde knew that depressed students usually take to alcoholism, drug, and sex addiction, if not suicide, or in the best of cases professional counseling. He knew why Mutallab disavowed all notable recourse of depressed students and took to the more unfathomable route of global jetting from Europe through the Middle East and Africa to the Americas. He knew, as much as the next stone that gapes with blinkered eyes in the windy Sahara for a million years, that the unconscious personality of depression is antithetical to the religious fervor of diaper bomber Mutallab. So why did Tilde still feel the need to put out such childish verbiage? That is what I call the Tildian subterfuge, albeit a Nigerian shell game by other name.
Tilde claimed that Mutallab was “lonely” abroad and made bad friends. He also claimed that Nigerians were cowards who lacked the liver to stand up to America's blacklisting by calling her bluff. “Are we the first terrorist country in the world?” he asked. I contend, in response, that Tilde’s submission demonstrates the linguistic act of politics. Tilde was just playing a language game – albeit, a sinister and old-worn Nigerian ruse.
The question is does Tilde actually want his “jittery” Nigerians to stand up to America like Iraq and Afghanistan and Pakistan? Since those three countries are all Islamic nations, when did Nigeria become an Islamic nation that would fight for an idiot-son who went to school to gird himself with extremist “Islamic Bomb” (Wasn't that the name that Pakistan gave to its first nuclear bomb in 1979?) Could Tilde list how many depressed Nigerian youths in American and European schools that have had to travel to Yemen to learn how to brace themselves with bombs and tried to blow up other countries' planes? What exactly does Tilde mean by “anti-white racism,” for if Nigeria’s new underpants prophet wanted to fight racism why would he choose a flight with more than fifty percent of fellow Nigerian and black travelers all the way from Nigeria to the United States? It appears, therefore, that in the illogical Nigerian world of Tildian syllogism there is a fundamental connection between psychic depression and the Arabian Peninsula, and it should be known by the strange clinical name of Mutallabian terrorism.
Of course, I realized the dark humor of Tilde’s fanatical cynicism. He obviously uses a generic form of “racism” which had absolutely nothing to do with skin color. What he seemed to be saying was that London was an eye-opener to Nigeria’s diaper bomber about the depth of “religious racism” against pro-Arab Muslims. In other words, Tilde’s bizarre politics could not factor in the possibility of fellow Nigerian travelers being the most likely victims of Mutallab's religious warfare since after all, “those other Nigerians” – as Africans, “bad” Muslims, Christians, and “infidels” – were as guilty and deserving of vengeful death as Mutallab’s European “racists.” It is well-known, for instance, that pro-Arab Muslims were decimating black African Muslims in Darfur; that there was such an epithet as the “Banza Bokwoi” in Nigeria; and that even diaper faithful Mutallab, on one mysterious occasion, went on the Internet to keenly solicit the counseling of fellow extremist faithful on how to avoid his visiting parents in London for fear that they might make him eat “unclean meat.”
Tilde’s self-imposed blinkers could not allow him to see that he was addressing fellow Nigerians who had for fifty years lived under the constant glare of Mutallabian zealotry cleansing all over Northern Nigeria. Okey Ndibe had argued that the difference between “domestic religious terrorism and its exportation is only a plane trip away” (“Nigeria’s Terrorism Notoriety,” Sahara Reporters, December 28, 2009). The only argument that Tilde could make up was to pretend that Mutallabian terrorism was a newfound thing that has never happened before. Tilde stubbornly refused to acknowledge that all those almajeri that have been taking and torching millions of fellow Nigerian lives for half a century were schooled under the very watchful eyes of their families. Most of them neither went to college nor ever traveled to London like diaper bomber Mutallab. They were neither wealthy nor “depressed” like zealot Mutallab. Still one thing that Tilde knew they shared in excess with Mutallab was that all of them were raised under the same terrorist breeding grounds of Northern Nigeria which ritually settles personal misunderstanding or suspicion with religious mass murders.
Aliyu Tilde knew that depressed students usually take to alcoholism, drug, and sex addiction, if not suicide, or in the best of cases professional counseling. He knew why Mutallab disavowed all notable recourse of depressed students and took to the more unfathomable route of global jetting from Europe through the Middle East and Africa to the Americas. He knew, as much as the next stone that gapes with blinkered eyes in the windy Sahara for a million years, that the unconscious personality of depression is antithetical to the religious fervor of diaper bomber Mutallab. So why did Tilde still feel the need to put out such childish verbiage? That is what I call the Tildian subterfuge, albeit a Nigerian shell game by other name.
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