On Thursday, August 5, 1999, I published an article titled, “Obasanjo’s not Enough: National Conference, Please!” In it I screamed that Obasanjo was not enough. I asked Obasanjo to please give us a National Conference. In the article, I even called Obasanjo “fresh air.” Imagine!
On Thursday, August 5, 1999, I published an article titled, “Obasanjo’s not Enough: National Conference, Please!” In it I screamed that Obasanjo was not enough. I asked Obasanjo to please give us a National Conference. In the article, I even called Obasanjo “fresh air.” Imagine!
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Fourteen years later, President Goodluck Jonathan, on his own, is now calling for a National Conference. He is acknowledging that he is not enough and neither is his National Assembly. In January of 2000, I wrote another article, “Who’s Afraid of a National Conference.” In it I tried to address the fears of those who are against a national conference.
While I do not endorse Jonathan’s conference, and do not have the confidence that he has the political will to pull it off, it doesn’t in any way negate the need.
As the debate on the National Conference returns to the national discourse, I present again the 1999 and the 2000 articles. It’s surprising that almost fifteen years after, despite opening the tallest hotel in West Africa, we have not moved an inch the thing around our neck.
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I still maintain that the ideals of Nigeria have not been tried and found wanting; instead they have been found difficult and left untried. The National Conference is one encompassing way to set the stage for trying the ideals of Nigeria.
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Gloom, despair and despondency are some of the moods no one wants to see return to Nigeria. Nigerians seem to cherish the upbeat and promising atmosphere that came in with Obasanjo. It appears as if the proverbial silver lining is already in the sky. Daily, surprising news clips are coming out of Nigeria. Finally, it looks as if the giant is getting off the mud. But when you look deeper, you will see that Obasanjo's fanfare is all but over. The opening show has been performed and the honeymoon is past. Gradually, the traditional cracks that bring about pessimism, insecurity and fear are re-emerging. If nothing is done to arrest this crack up, it would get to a point when it would swallow us all.
As part of a discussion group on the internet, I punctuated an optimistic discussion on the way forward with a series of questions. I asked the discussants the following questions: Why hasn't Obasanjo made public his declaration of assets? Why is no one condemning THE NEWS magazine for not acknowledging that the ABUJA MIRROR actually broke the Speaker Buhari story? What role is the structure of Nigeria playing in the difficulty to reduce corruption? Has anyone cared to think of what would happen when Obasanjo leaves? And these killings going on, are they just noises of democracy or a sign of bigger trouble in the making? Can true democracy ever survive if we have no true federalism? Is Africa's problem really that we don't have severe living conditions (eg. weather, natural disasters ie earthquakes etc) to confront, which would have made us think deeper?
My fellow discussants who were more interested in plump business opportunities and possible political goals if the media could wipe out the old breed for them, suddenly went on vacation from the message board. All of a sudden no one wants to think ahead. The dreamer trait in most of us seemed to have taken over our consciousness. No one wants to ask the big question. No one wants to think the big thought. Most of us seemed comfortable at that micro level of ‘thinking about the next election rather than the next generation.’
Whatever it is that we did which led to the emergence of Obasanjo as Nigeria's President is like jump-starting our junk Nigerian car. For this Nigerian car to reach a respectable speed, for it to weather the democratic storm ahead, it needs a different energy level. The National Conference is the only means through which such could be accomplished. Allowing the current democratic experiment to be carried on at this pace is to subscribe to incessant tuning up of this Nigerian car. The National Conference is the only way to change the car’s engine without having an inevitable engine knock.
In 1992, something monumental happened in Zango-Kataf. For the first time in many decades, a minority group resisted the domination of an external majority group. The imposition of Sharia Law and Emirate rule over a community that ought to be a nationality of its own sparked off a riot of unprecedented magnitude. Zango-Kataf, a miniature of Kosovo was crushed by Gen. Babangida. General Lukwat was put in jail. But the anger and the disenchantment remain. To the minority people of Zango-Kataf, patriotism to Nigeria will only be attractive when Nigeria first cares about them.
Today, there is both inter and intra ethnic skirmishes going on all over Nigeria. From Aguleri to Takum, from Bali to Karim Lamido, from Ile-Ife to Kafanchan, from Warri to Shagamu. And then Kano. For those who can see, these disturbances are pointing at the need for us to address the National Question. It should not be wished away. One of my fellow discussants suggested that if we all develop the Nigerian Stock market and invest in it, we would have less time to think of the things that divide us. But it is not just a matter of our material poverty. Even the Canadians are dealing with the same question.
By the very nature of our country's formation, these lines of conflicts are expected. The colonial masters brought together different nationalities based not upon their homogenous nature but for administrative convenience. Since independence, we have been searching for the solution to this false nationhood. In 1996, Major Kaduna Nzeogwu planned a coup with the intention of turning Nigeria into a confederate state. In 1990, Major Okar planned a coup and excised some states out of Nigeria. In between, we have gone through three Republics, heard the voice of the Ogonis and killed Ken Saro Wiwa. Yet, some Nigerians cannot see the National Question.
There is a National Question when citizens of the same country do not have the same rights in their homeland. There is a National Question when some citizens of a country are not free to live in peace anywhere they so wish. There is a National Question when some citizens of a country are not able to get permanent employment in some parts of their country. There is a National Question when Cultural Rights, Social Rights, Economic Rights, Civil Rights and Political Rights of some citizens of a country are being trampled upon.
I know the idea of a National Conference sounds radical to many Nigerians. To some, it is a recipe for disaster. That, of course, is not the truth. I will attempt to present here the reasons why I think we need a National Conference. In subsequent essays, I will try to explain the nature of the Conference I am proposing.
In a recent interview, Chief Bola Ige stated that Obasanjo is laying the foundation for democracy. Which is an acceptance that what we have at present is short of being a democracy. But how do one lay a foundation for a new structure while living in the old structure and construction is taking place on the same spot? The foundation has remained untouched. And so are the things that have made our nation shaky from the very beginning.
I have always compared what our colonial masters did to the baptism of a child. When the kid grows up, it is his responsibility to be confirmed. Confirmation is a chance for the kid to accept, reject or modify all the vows his parents undertook on his behalf when he was a child. The confusion we are currently in has a lot to do with our refusal to pass through the process of confirmation. Another analogy is that of couples who are living together without wedlock. The conservatives would say 'living in sin'. Going by that definition, we Nigerians have been living in sin since that fateful day in 1914 when Lord Fredrick Lugard amalgamated the Northern and Southern Protectorates and let his girlfriend call it Nigeria.
That was how our nation was born -born without a purpose and without the consent of its citizens. The National Conference in effect would be a forum for us to confirm the vows the colonial masters undertook on our behalf. It would give Nigerians the chance to find a purpose for our country; to understand our differences, and to promote those things that unite us. It would be a chance for us to get married; sign on the dotted line, and say those 'I dos' to those 'You promise....' oath.
The National Conference will provide a forum for the federalists, the anarchists, the separatists, the activists, etc to come together and present their grievances, their fears and their hopes. Out of the chaos would emerge documents that would strengthen our Nation and give meaning to its structure and purpose for its existence. But most importantly, it would relieve the British of further blame for our existence and give us one less object to blame for our failures. The Americans stopped blaming the British the very first day they declared their Independence after holding their conference. Let’s go to the National Conference and declare our Unionhood and stop blaming the British, too. Let’s put our fate in our hands from that day forward.
Let’s find something to fall back to in time of crises. The Nigerian constitution is not strong enough to play the part of our safety net. It has been yanked out several times by our military boys that it lacks all symbolism and myth necessary for it to play the role of our back bone. Let’s come up with a document signed by and agreed to by all the Nationalities that make up Nigeria. Let it be our Declaration of Unionhood. Let it be our own Declaration of Independence. Now is the time to negotiate such a document. No group would be negotiating out of fear. Neither would any group have reason to fear to negotiate.
It doesn't matter if it takes us two years to agree on the final document, after all the British are not approaching. Let it mark the birth of a new Nigeria- a Nigeria where we all had a say on the kind of country we want, how power and resources should be shared. Let’s create that sense that we are all in this together. Let’s establish trust. Let’s develop and agree on our own Bill of Rights. That is the only way to overhaul and legitimize the military constitution we currently have.
There is no investment Nigeria would make in itself that would be bigger than this. Calling for a National Conference would be Obasanjo's greatest legacy. It would help Nigeria jump into a different energy level. There is no better atmosphere for it than now. It would strengthen our fragile democracy and create a lasting solution to the weakness in our 1999 constitution. Now that there is a wind of change is the best time for the conference rather than when chaos begins. Let’s lay a strong foundation for our country and set a good example for the rest of Africa.
Many commentators have called the whole idea of a National Conference noisy and dangerous. The whole concept is nothing more than a conference of people selected from various parts of the country and representing every interest group. In some ways, it looks pretty inconceivable that such a conference will effect any change. Many have argued that it would be a mere waste of time like previous constitution drafting assemblies have been. But the mere picture of representatives of all the ethnic groups in Nigeria entering a building with the single goal to renegotiate their deal with Nigeria would make a powerful statement.
If, for instance, the conference adopts a political system that puts little premium on power at the center, it would go a long way to dilute the tension that continuously boil in Nigeria. Of course, there is no other place from which the Nigerian dream can emerge than such a conference. Many have argued that senators and members of the House of Representatives can do whatever the delegates to the National Conference can do. But that is totally out of place. Members of the national assembly are simply politicians. Very few of them think beyond the next election. Meanwhile, the issues that the National Conference would tackle are issues that would concern the unborn generation of Nigerians.
It has been said that Nigeria would have disintegrated had there been a known formula for its disintegration. It therefore follows that this search for our true form and unity must continue. It is not our fault that we inherited a weak nation. But it is ours if we remain in it. Celebrating over this little breeze of fresh air that Obasanjo brought shows how short-sighted we are. We have done that enough to know when history starts repeating itself and the price starts doubling.
Nostradamus, a French astrologer and physician who predicted accurately the First and Second World Wars also predicted that Queen Elizabeth of England would die in 1992. The year came with enough problems that could have caused the Queen at least a heart attack but she survived 1992. It has been said that her survival was not unconnected with some questions concerning Nigerian Nation which she alone could answer. According to the proponents of that thought, the Queen would soon be required in Nigeria to present papers where autonomous communities of Nigeria handed over their sovereignty to the English Colonial government. If she could not, then we shall kick off the National Conference with an annulment of all that the English did by saying..."When in the course of human events…
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Who is afraid of a National Conference?
There are three groups of people currently associating themselves with that corporate entity called Nigeria: those who believe in the necessity of a National Conference: those who couldn’t care less about any form of a National Conference, and those who are afraid of a National Conference.
To those who believe in the necessity of a national conference, they are the choir of which I am a member. They are currently singing off the tune, without harmony or rhythm. They have a lot of work to do if they want their idea to become a mainstream idea. In trying to find an answer to Nigeria’s flaws and its antecedent poor performance, they have raised a lot of questions that only they can humbly answer. To them, I remind that no change worth its onions ever comes easy. People will fight and resist any attempt to change the way things are. The task is to persist in that demand and to refine, articulate and explain the issues involved to the unconverted.
And now, to those who couldn’t care less about National Conference probably because they want to maintain the status quo or because they have become so cynical about change and possibility of genuine reform I ask that they not close their eyes because a bad person is passing else, they will not know when a good person passes. Giving an ear to every idea for our national development should be one of the requirements of good citizenship. Sitting there, watching things happen or wondering what is happening is no way of contributing to our national discourse.
I will however dedicate this piece to those who are afraid of a national conference. This group could be divided into two: those who see the need but not the possibility of its success and those who do not see the need and are afraid of its consequences.
The National Conference as being proposed is a Conference of all the interacting forces that make up the country we currently call Nigeria. These forces include nationalities, labor groups, professional groups, non-governmental organizations, etc. The goal of the conference is to find a way to smoothen the friction that results as these forces interact. It is this friction that has been a cog in the wheel of Nigeria’s progress. It is hoped that at the end of the conference, a suitable lubricant can be found that would be applied at the appropriate joint or points of interaction such that the wheel of the nation will run smoother.
The opponents of the National Conference who see the necessity but are wary of the modality are people who quarrel over the composition of the conference or the name it is called. These people would rather debate whether it should be Sovereign or National. They would rather quarrel over what a nationality is and on whose mandate the conference would be convened. Sometimes, the debate going on looks like the rancor which often mark the beginning of negotiation between groups like Israel and PLO. There is a fight over where the venue should be, who should be there, what kind of food should be served, who should shake whose hand, and who should sit beside whom.
If we agree that there is the need for a National Conference where matters fundamental to the Nigerian nation should be resolved, then working out the modalities of such a conference cannot be too hard. On the order hand, if we argue that there are democratic institutions that are in place where such issues could be discussed, then our understanding of the issues in question varies.
Take, for instance, the idea of decentralizing power where states or regions or zones would have to acquire more autonomy. How could the national assembly as it is currently constituted or even the constitutional review committee handle such a heavy weight issue that would affect the lives of millions of Nigerians, including those yet unborn? The issue of determining the kind of association the different people who make up Nigeria desire is beyond the current mandate of these career politicians. Bear in mind that the underlying goal of this conference is to give all the different forces in Nigeria the chance to contribute to the creation of a New Nigeria. A New Nigeria that we all are responsible for. A New Nigeria that we all agree to. A New Nigeria that we all molded.
The Nigeria we have now started with the Nigeria our forefathers living in bondage of colonialism negotiated in London. It later degenerated into a Nigeria that our military conceded to the Nigerian people. So, we have never had a Nigeria, our own Nigeria. A Nigeria negotiated by the free Nigerian people who are not under any duress of any sought. That is the Nigeria we sort through the National Conference and not a Nigeria that will answer to one oppressive force or another lurking in the dark.
The career politicians who are currently in the National Assembly voted in by the Nigerian people do not represent the vision of this Nigeria we intend to create. Being a product of the imposed Nigeria, they have no moral authority to represent, neither do they have the interest of the Nigerians who are agitating for a New Nigeria. Passing the issue of the National Conference to these politicians is like sending something bigger than the cricket into the cricket’s hole. Waiting for another four years to try and vote in the right people who will tackle the issues in question amounts to denying the reality of Nigeria’s flaws and the flaws in the current system that will always produce its own kind.
So, what should be done?
If we agree that there is a need for a National Conference and that the National Assembly is ill-equipped to handle issues of that sort, then we proceed to iron out the modalities of such a conference. The conference is not, should not and must not be a cover for any group to break away from Nigeria. The negotiation is solely aimed at making Nigeria work better. Those who are clamoring for a means to attain their own country would have to find other means to achieve that.
Here are the suggested modalities for such a conference:
Being that the present administration is not interested in convening this conference, individuals who are interested in Nigeria’s advancement would have to lead the way. Proponents of this Conference will go to the grass-root level within all interest groups eager to participate and initiate the discussion.
Wole Soyinka and other national proponents of this conference could meet with interested members of, say, the Igbo nationality and together they travel to the heartland of Igbo land and educate the populace on the essence of the conference. With the necessary support provided, each clan, each village, each town, each local government within every negotiating unit will, turn by turn, come together and discuss the kind of association they want with Nigeria.
The same process would be repeated with every negotiating unit, be it a NGO or a trade union. Each group will articulate their position. Upon completion, each unit will take their agreed position to the General conference where the final negotiation with other negotiating units will take place.
Still using this example, the discussion begins in the clan and afterwards moves on to the village, then onwards to the town. By the time it gets to the local Government area level, a leader who can best articulate the position of the town would have naturally emerged. The same with the local government area and the state and then the nationality as the case may be. At the end of the discourse within a negotiating unit, three or four representatives will carry the position of the unit to the General Conference. It would be left for the negotiating units to decide on how to select these representatives. In any case, their job is not more than taking the position of their unit to the General Conference for final negotiation. It is expected that regular consultation with the represented will continue as the negotiation proceeded.
It is expected that this process will take upwards of one year to be completed. In the mean time, the Presidency and the currently elected officials will continue to carry out their duties. When the final agreement is reached and a document of a Declaration of Nationhood is ratified by all the negotiating units, then a New Constitution for a New Nigeria would be written based on the principle embedded in the Declaration of Nationhood. With this New Constitution a new election would be held and a New Nigeria would be born. This way, nobody will have to surrender his or her mandate or power to anyone else. The current elected officials would have served their term. A referendum would be used to adopt the new constitution and dissolve the old National Assembly and all the other structures of governance as was contained in the old military drawn constitution.
This arrangement, refined more and more would be able to answer every question in the hearts of those who are afraid of a national conference. For instance, if there were 250 nationalities in Nigeria, and another 50 negotiating units drawn from professional groups and NGOs, the General Conference would have 300 negotiating units. With each unit represented by three or four delegates, the General Conference would not be as rowdy as many fear. In any case, representing a unit does not require several people speaking for the unit since the position of the negotiating unit had been articulated previously by the unit. This again makes it irrelevant as to how many delegates would represent each group and whether it should be decided on the bases of the group’s population.
It is clear that some of the fear currently entertained by Nigerians over the National Conference is mainly due to the caliber of the people who champion it. When an issue as sensitive as this is championed by people who have never belonged to anyone else but themselves or people who think they are more Nigerian than the rest of us, it raises a genuine concern. But we should not kill the message because of the messenger. We should not throw away the baby with the dirty water. Instead, we should enter the arena and take control of the steering.
Nigeria today is at a crossroad. As the preacher says, it is either we repent from our sinful ways and be born again or we continue along this way and end up in hell. From Biafra to Odi, we have been visiting one purgatory after another. Our story will continue to be the same until we muster the courage to overhaul our whole structure. Those who fear to negotiate, usually find themselves negotiating out of fear. Once we were taken to London to negotiate. At another time, we were taken to Aburi. None of which gave the Nigerian people exactly what they wanted. It is time for us to bring it home. And there is no better time than now-now when nobody is forcing us to do so. But if we miss this opportunity, one day, the United Nations will convene and moderate one for us. Then, those of us who are still alive will walk into the conference room limping and in shame.
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